Mvurwi area is in Mazowe district, some 100km north of Harare. It is a high potential area where tobacco production has expanded dramatically since land reform thanks in large part to the support from multiple contracting companies operating in the area.
This was traditionally a tobacco growing area when large-scale farms dominated, combined with livestock keeping and some horticulture and orchards. When the land reform took place and large-scale, white-owned farms gave way to a mix of small-scale (A1) and medium-scale (A2) farms, the agricultural landscape changed dramatically. Initially, A1 farmers focused on maize – the crop they knew from the communal areas – but then when the opportunity opened up, many started with tobacco, often only 1 hectare of contracted crop, but sufficient to make money. Others extended tobacco and the area became a hub for production, with tobacco firms moving their auction floors to the area. Tobacco is not an easy crop, and contracting terms may not be ideal, so some have again switched, but this time to horticulture, including tomatoes, beans, sweet and Irish potatoes. Here, investment in irrigation and development of markets has made it possible to make money in ways not behoven to external contractors.
Shifting investment patterns
Patterns of investment have also changed, linked to these shifts in cropping system. In the early years, farmers were engaged in establishing their farms, clearing land and setting up homes. This took considerable labour and although the type of dwellings built in the Mvurwi area are not as elaborate as seen in our Masvingo sites, there was considerable cash investment from surpluses generated by cropping, mostly at this stage maize. When the tobacco boom started a few years later, there were more cash surpluses and the tobacco sales period from April to July was a boom time. Many spent on consumption goods, but there was also investment in improving production, notably through the drilling of boreholes and the establishment of irrigation systems. People also bought cattle, and later cars, trucks and other vehicles to transport people and agricultural goods. Tractors were also purchased, alongside cultivators, irrigation equipment and so on.
As tobacco took hold there were more expenditures on labour and the in situ displaced farmworkers resident in compounds were able to get work. Their skills in tobacco production, curing, grading and so on were at a premium, and many negotiated deals with farmers to gain access to land. Even on small patches, they were in turn able to accumulate, even if modestly. In Mvurwi, rainfall is largely reliable. ‘Droughts’ do not affect crops or livestock as they do in the drier parts of the country, but livestock disease, notably January disease caused major impacts, wiping out herds. As the farms became capitalised, other sources of investment were sought, and in the last five years or so, investment off-farm has been increasingly important. This may be in businesses in Mvurwi town, often run by children and relatives of the land holder, or in real estate in the town, where, as our blog series on small towns showed, many were able to purchase stands, build houses and then rent out for income, which in turn could be used for farm investments or key expenses like school fees or medical bills.
This sequencing has been similar across A1 and A2 farms, but A2 farms show more variation. Many have not really taken off as the level of capitalisation and subsequent financing has not been possible. Some who were able to secure funds from outside – from business enterprises, jobs or patronage links – were able to get going, but many were not. Equally, not everyone was able to profit from the tobacco boom and so patterns of accumulation within the A1 areas have been varied, with some not risking contracting so not profiting from tobacco, while others failed to repay and were not able to get new contracts.
In farms that have not been successful, there has been lots of land rental and some land sales for generating extra income, while some have entered ‘joint venture’ arrangements with outsiders, including Chinese tobacco firms or former white farmers interested in producing export horticulture, blueberries and other high value crops in partnership with an existing (usually A2) farmer. Land deals with new entrants have been central to a new wave of investment and accumulation (both of outsiders and land holders) in recent years, dependent on a complex land market facilitating access to investment.
Across our Mvurwi land reform sites, we have identified four main patterns of accumulation (and numerous variations). These are discussed below, together with multiple case studies (making the blog quite long, but hopefully interesting).
Accumulating from below through tobacco
As already noted, this has been an important pattern for many in the A1 areas, which has especially been made possible through contracting that provides inputs and finance for labour plus energy (usually coal) for curing. Those who prefer not to contract are either those who are too poor, and cannot accept the risk, or those who are richer who can go it alone and buy inputs and pay for labour and sell directly to the auction floors for higher prices. New land markets are important for facilitating accumulation, offering land to new entrants, while also providing income for those leasing out. As already mentioned, farmworkers have been able to accumulate from below through tobacco, deploying their considerable skills in ensuring high quality leaf and maximising returns on small areas, often without external financing (as they cannot access contracting services). Those who were on the tobacco trajectory capitalised on the drought distress sales of livestock from Muzarabani and elsewhere and prior to mass mortalities due to January disease, many had significant herds, which in turn provided income for lumpy expenditures such as school or university fees, or the purchase of equipment. Many A1 farmers these days are landlords in towns as real estate investment has become increasingly common. Many also have vehicles including tractors (although some lie idle after the initial spending sprees the early days of the tobacco boom), as well as new boreholes, solar systems and irrigation pumps. Diversification on-farm has been a pattern of late, with many moving away from tobacco to irrigated horticulture, fruit orchards, fish farming and so on. The A1 and (some) A2 farmers on the accumulation from below trajectory also invested heavily in education, with many now well qualified children providing remittances, although questions are often raised about who will take over the farm.
Case 1: LC, Ruia B, A1 scheme
LC, a 66-year-old war-veteran and retired soldier, acquired a 6ha A1 plot in 2004. At settlement, the household had “nothing – not even a cat!”. At this time, he relied on hoeing 2ha of land using a borrowed a hoe from the neighbours. In 2006, he later decided to retire from his job to focus on farming on a fulltime basis. At retirement, he received a retirement package that could “only buy a bar of soap” thanks to hyperinflation. When he retired from his job, most of his children were still in school but he managed to educate all his children through farming. In 2004, the household harvested 2 tonnes of maize and sold most of the maize to GMB, and used the money to purchase 3 cattle, 2 bicycles and a scotch-cart. Between 2005 and 2008, the household purchased 5 cars with proceeds from farming, mainly maize, sweet potatoes and sugar beans. There was a severe drought in 2008, but the household managed to harvest 8 tonnes of maize, which they exchanged with 16 cattle in Chiweshe. From 2009 to 2010, the household also managed to purchase 12 cattle from drought-stricken Chiweshe with proceeds from broilers (although he lamented the low profitability of the enterprise). In 2016, LC entered into a partnership with a geologist from Harare who then drilled a borehole (60m) and installed solar-powered submersible pumps and drip irrigation on 7000m2 of land and began production of tomatoes. They harvested 18 tonnes of tomatoes and the geologist transported all the tomatoes to Harare for sale, and never returned with the money. Despite this, LC said he was not bothered r as “he left behind the infrastructure” and some tomatoes that he managed to make some money from. The household continued with tomato farming, and managed to invest in fish ponds with the proceeds. In the 2022-23 season, in partnership with his youngest son who is a fulltime farmer, he ventured into self-financed tobacco farming. Through tobacco, they have managed to purchase more cattle, goats, scotch-carts, as well as drilling another borehole. Today, the household owns 63 cattle and 100 goats, of which 30 cattle and 96 goats are pastured on leased grazing land on an A2 farm in Forrester. LC is an assiduous livestock farmer, and did not lose any of his cattle due to January Disease. The family is also close knit and all worked together.
Case 2: EC, Hariana, A1 scheme
EC, a 64-year-old, acquired 6ha of land in 2000. He was part of the group that invaded Hariana farm from Chiweshe. At the time, he was working in a construction company but decided to retire in 2000 when he heard rumours that the company was going to liquidate. Since then, EC has depended solely on farming as a source of livelihood. The household came with 3 cattle, a plough and a cultivator. One of the three cattle was injured and later succumbed to the injuries. His herd grew to 6, but all died due to January Disease. Initially, they grew maize before taking up tobacco in 2003. Using proceeds from tobacco farming, the household managed to buy a grinding mill, a car and a pick-up truck. However, as their children reached secondary education, the level of investment slowed down as school fees became a major outlay. In 2017, when most of their children had finished school, they then bought a Kombi using tobacco proceeds. They used the Kombi as a passenger taxi, and employed their eldest son who had completed Form 4 as a driver. However, the Kombi broke down thanks to the negligence of the son. In 2009, his uncle from Chiweshe gave him a herd of 6 cattle under a loaning arrangement. This herd later increased to 18. These animals were a vital capital as they provided agricultural inputs (i.e., manure and draft power). When January Disease broke out in 2022, his uncle recalled all his cattle having lost all his animals in Chiweshe due to January Disease, leaving EC’s household with no cattle. In 2023, he sold the body of his now malfunctioning Kombi for USD1600, and used the proceeds to buy an in-calf cow for USD620 and young ox for USD160. Over time, the household has also slowly invested in a comfortable rural homestead and several barns – all funded by income from tobacco. EC has four children, and all of them now live and work in nearby towns. The first-born son works as a truck driver in Mvurwi, while the second-born is a soldier in the army. Their third-born daughter is self-employed as a hairdresser, while the youngest daughter is studying pneumatics. All of their children who are employed or self-employed provide remittances to the family. Recently, they purchased two water pumps to use for irrigation.
Case 3: IC, Hariana Compound
56-year-old IC worked as a farm worker for a white farmer in Hariana farm from 1995 until year 2000 when the farm was invaded and acquired for resettlement. During this period, he learned about tobacco production, and did a short course in tobacco production at Blackfordby Agricultural College in 1997. In the year 2000, following the invasion and acquisition of the farm, he and 17 other farmworkers managed to gain access to a ‘concessionary’ 1ha plot where he now engages in farming. In addition, he also leases in additional land from A1 ‘settlers’ in return for expertise in tobacco farming. He explained that in the year 2000, he had wished to gain access to a 6ha plot but the white farmer blocked all farmworkers from gaining access to A1 plots by locking them inside his yard on the day when land beneficiaries were picking plot numbers. Today, IC is now a farmer. He grows tobacco and maize, as well as engaging in horticulture. Through tobacco farming, he has managed to buy two cattle in 2014, a plough for USD120 in 2018, s scotch-cart for USD350 in 2018 and a residential stand for USD4000 in 2019 in Mvurwi. He bought two cattle in 2014, and the herd increased to 6 before losing a few due to January Disease. Today, IC owns 4 cattle and 16 goats. In addition, he also managed to educate all his children up to Form 4. With tobacco farming experience and accrued expertise, IC also works for ‘settlers’ as a ‘consultant’. For IC, life has been much better after land reform than during the time when he worked for the white farmer. However, he bemoaned the exploitative labour relations displayed by the new settlers. As he put it, “Some settlers are not good people. What they do to us is not fair. I work for some of them, but sometimes they do not pay us. I have had several cases where a settler promises something in exchange for labour, but regened on their promise to me once I have finished the job”.
Case 4: NM, Ruia A
57-year-old NM and her now late husband acquired an A1 plot in 2006. They came with “nothing, except plates”. They grew mainly maize. In the first two years after settlement, the household managed to harvest surplus maize and sold the surplus to GMB. However, most of the proceeds were used to pay for her husband’s medical bills and he later passed away in 2008. The death of her husband was followed by the death of her daughter and another more recently, who left a son who is also HIV positive. Her only surviving son (41 years old) is engaging in tobacco production without a contract. However, it has not been easy for the son as he struggles to raise funds to purchase inputs. As the result, he only grows tobacco on a “very small area”. Alongside farming, he also engages in ‘maricho’ to support his mother and siblings. The confluence of extended illness and deaths of husband and two daughters, and her son’s establishment of his own family has led to a stalled process of accumulation from below.
In sum, the four case histories illustrate various patterns of investments and accumulation, with driven by tobacco. Cases 1 and 2 exhibit a very successful trajectory of accumulation from below through a diversity of crops and livestock, complemented by capital from outside (i.e., partnerships). Case 3 shows a much more modest process of accumulation from below. While previously a farmworker without land, he is now transformed into a worker-peasant, combining agriculture with piecework. Case 4 illustrates a stalled process of accumulation, set back by illness and death in the family.
Accumulation from outside: farming as part of a business portfolio
Beyond the dominant (particularly A1) story of tobacco driven accumulation from below, there are other patterns observed. Many A1 farmers have combined tobacco-based income with outside sources, and this is also seen in the A2 areas, where farming is more commonly combined with businesses. Farming is part of a wider business portfolio and managed through investment from outside. In the A2 farms there are increasing numbers of outside investors, striking up deals with A2 farmers who have been struggling. These come forms, with Chinese, former white farmers, and black businesspeople involved. These arrangements provide income for A2 farmers through land leasing, and sometimes help farmers get going with payments in the form of investment in irrigation systems, for example. Sharing of expertise and joint marketing arrangements may also boost capacity and set the original farmer off on a new trajectory of accumulation.
Case 5: KM, Ruia A, A1 scheme
KM is 65-year-old diesel plant fitter at Harare City Council. His 56-year-old wife runs the farm. The household acquired a 6ha plot in 2002. At first, they grew maize, sweet potatoes and groundnuts. Through farming these crops, the household managed to purchase a grinding mill (2007), three cattle (2008) and goats. The cattle herd increased to six but three died due to January Disease and they sold the remaining three due to fear of losing them to the disease. The goats increased to 50 but they were all stolen. The household also purchased two tractors (one was burnt down by wild fires) and three dumpers – all financed by KM’s wages. In 2017, they took up tobacco farming under contract. Having managed to raise capital, they then abandoned the contract and are now self-financed. In 2022, they drilled a borehole (70m) for USD2500 with tobacco proceeds. Recently, the household also purchased a residential stand in Mvurwi for USD3000. Besides tobacco, they also engage in horticulture. In 2020, in partnership with a neighbouring farmer, they also constructed a small weir at the nearby stream for irrigation. They grow water melons, Irish potatoes, cucumbers and red cabbages. They sell these products at their daughter’s stall (musika) at Lusaka market in Highfields, Harare. This year the household has a good crop, and are planning to build an elaborate house at the farm. Combining KM’s savings from his job and proceeds from farming, the household has also managed to build a modern house in Budiriro 3 suburb “akin to ‘Chirungu’ houses found in affluent suburbs such as Mount Pleasant and Borrowdale.” They employ one permanent worker and hire many casual workers during peak seasons.
Case 6: WZ, Arowan farm, A2
WZ, a 50-year-old man, acquired a 71ha A2 plot in 2002. He was “lucky” enough to acquire an A2 plot at age 27. At the time, he was employed as a farm manager at a nearby farm. With a two-year agricultural course, he “just applied and got the farm” at a young age. At settlement, they “had nothing”. His father gave him a herd of 4 cattle, while his younger brother gave him a plough. Upon arrival, they constructed three pole and dagga huts (two for sleeping and one for cooking), which they later replaced with brick and thatch/ iron roof houses over time. From 2001 to 2010, the household grew primarily maize. During this period, he was non-resident on the farm, although his wife lived on the farm. Thus, he avoided taking up tobacco when he is not around as the crop is “demanding”. Combining savings from work and proceeds from maize sales, WZ managed to build a comfortable rural homestead. In 2009, he resigned from his job and took up farming on a fulltime basis. In the same year, the household took up tobacco farming under contract. Besides tobacco, the household also engaged in horticulture and dryland maize cultivation. Through tobacco farming, EZ managed to send his younger siblings to school after the death of his father and own children, build a seven-roomed house in Mvurwi, purchase an Isuzu pick-up in 2012, a truck for USD9000 in 2014 and a second-hand tractor for USD6000. However, this has not been easy sailing. In 2019, EZ abandoned tobacco because he was “disappointed and frustrated with the price and currency exchange rates”. He then concentrated on horticulture and dryland maize cultivation under Command Agriculture from 2021 to 2022. However, he admitted that the household “achieved nothing” through Command Agriculture. He was left heavily in debt. “The timing of the programme was not right. Inputs were not available at the right time and the maize market was bad”, he says. In 2023, he entered into a Joint Venture with a white farmer who now uses 20ha of his 30ha arable land. He decided to enter into this arrangement because they were “under-utilising the farm and struggling to pay land tax”. The white farmer has installed irrigation facilities (including a centre pivot) on EZ’s plot and also pays a rent of USD350 per month.
Accumulation from above, but varied trajectories
Accumulation from above is certainly evident in the Mvurwi case study area. This was prime land and during the early land reform period, there were quite a number of ‘big chefs’ with political connections claiming land especially during the A2 farm allocations. A number of prominent politicians, army/security personnel and members of the judiciary have farms in our study area. They are certainly not the dominant group, but are significant politically. After getting land, some continued to benefit, with selective access to government schemes, including the mechanisation programme and Command Agriculture, where cheap inputs were offered as grants or loans (often not paid back). Some however have long retired and their connections have weakened and they are now using their own resources to invest in their farms, often with links to outside to raise funds (such as mortgaging houses in Harare) or channelling money from other businesses. Yet for others, accumulation has stalled or declined because of loss of political clout.
Case 7: IM, A2 farm
IM is a retired deputy commissioner in the police and a relative of the former president, Robert Mugabe. Harnessing his political connections, he managed to acquire an A2 farm in Mvurwi and continued to benefit from government schemes such as Farm Mechanisation and Command Agriculture. Under the RBZ Mechanisation Scheme of 2007-8, it is claimed that he received two substantial loans and did not pay back the loan. But in 2018, he was fired as part of Operation Restore Order. Today, “nothing much is happening on the farm”.
Case 8: KW, A2
Now late, KW was a brigadier in the army, war veteran and member of ZANU-PF Central Committee. At one point, he served as a Member of Parliament and even served as a deputy minister. Through his political connections, he managed to acquire an A2 plot and had access to government schemes. During this period, he grew tobacco, maize and wheat. However, he passed away in 2023 and now “nothing is happening” at his farm.
Within the A1 areas this pattern of accumulation from above was far less common, but not altogether absent. As the case below shows, late access to land was facilitated through political connections as was a windfall support through Command Agriculture in 2012, but thereafter own resources were deployed in a very successful maize farming operation producing considerable surpluses that were invested in the farm, as well as off-farm activities.
Case 9: SZ, Ruia B
SZ, a 43-year-old woman, acquired a 6ha A1 plot in 2010 on her own account. She was initially married but divorced in 2004. Upon divorce, she came to Ruia B farm where she lived with her brother who is also an A1 farmer. In 2010, she then managed to acquire her own plot “through ZANU-PF leaders”. SZ occupies an influential position in the ZANU-PF Women’s League in the district. Since settlement, she has been growing maize, beans and sweet potatoes. Through her connections, she joined Command Agriculture in 2013, and received inputs, including diesel, seeds, fertilisers and herbicides. She managed to harvest a good crop, which enabled her to get going in farming and thereafter became reliant on own resources. She harvested 17 tonnes of maize, and sold 16 tonnes. She repaid the loan and was left with enough capital to engage in farming using own resources. There was a good crop in the 2016-17 season, and she harvested 15 tonnes of maize and sold 14 tonnes. She used the proceeds to build a six-roomed house (still incomplete). In 2018, she bought two cows and goats with proceeds from maize sales. The herd increased to 6 through natural growth, but all died due to January Disease in 2022. In 2022, she took up horticulture. She grew mainly tomatoes. During the 2023-24 season, she harvested 7 tonnes of maize and sold six tonnes. She used the proceeds to purchase a water pump, pipes and tomato seeds. She has also managed to send her two daughters to boarding schools through farming over time. Both her two daughters are now in the UK. She hires casual labour during peak periods in exchange of maize. In the past, she used to look after her brother’s cattle who works in Harare. These cattle provided manure and draft power. But in 2022 her brother recalled her cattle following a family dispute.
Decline but new partnerships
Patterns of decumulation occur too in Mvurwi, but given the high-potential area and the returns possible, especially from tobacco, this is less common than in our other study sites. The most obvious failures are found in the A2 farms where people gained large areas of land but were not able to capitalise and finance it due to lack of bank finance. The absence of secure, bankable leases has been a constraint, made worse by the parlous state of the national economy making any business starting from scratch very difficult, including farming. Those who have succeeded have done so through accumulation from outside (or above in a few cases), where external businesses have been linked to farm production and are mutually supportive.
The failing A2 farmers, fearing audits and expropriation, have sometimes invested in joint ventures, leasing deals and so on to try and bring areas of their farms into production. Sometimes this is the whole farm (as with the Chinese tobacco farms) or parts of farms allowing truly joint, mutually supportive arrangements to emerge. A1 farmers who have struggled have also started to engage in leasing to raise income, and some have ceded land to others.
Case 10: DM, A2 farm
DM is a retired lieutenant colonel and war-veteran who obtained a 800 A2 plot in 2006. He also served as a CEO for GMB. During this period, he had access to various government schemes. However, he was later removed from his position as the CEO. Since then, production has gone down and “nothing” is happening. Around 2020, he entered into a Joint Venture with a white farmer. But a dispute between him and the farmer soon ensued and rwithdrew from the arrangement. This dispute was precipitated by a disagreement between DM and white farmer over reviewing the amount of money DM was receiving as “upkeep” in line with inflation rate. As a result, the Joint Venture collapsed. In recent years, his farm was identified for subdivision by the Lands Office due to under-utilisation, but he protested the decision in court and won the case. Currently, DM lives in Harare and is looking for someone to lease the farm.
Case 11: DN, A2
DN is a war veteran who was demobilised after Independence and returned to his communal areas in Guruve. In the early 2000s, he then acquired a 200ha plot in 2002 having led farm invasions. Since settlement, he has been struggling to gain a foothold in farming due to lack of finance. Around 2017, he entered into an informal Joint Venture with an Arabian investor to grow oranges on his farm. The investor planted trees on the farm. However, when the oranges were ripe, he reneged on the agreement and “chased away” the investors and sold all the oranges. He even retained a tractor that was bought by the investors.
Case 12. AC, Ruia A
90-year-old AC acquired an A1 plot in 2002. At the time, he was employed as a cook at Malvern house, a white old people’s home. Upon acquiring land, AC built three pole and dug rondavels and later replaced them with brick and thatch houses and one two-bedroomed brick and iron roof over time. The funding for all these buildings came from proceeds from farming. They grew maize, sugar beans and sweet potatoes in their allotted 6ha crop field. They also managed to buy a scotch-cart, cultivator and plough with proceeds from farming. They also purchased cattle with proceeds from crop farming. Their herd grew to 18, but all died due to January Disease in recent years. Since settlement, it is clear that the household had been on an upward trajectory, and engaging in accumulation from below. However, a process of decline is evident because of old age. In recent years, they have restricted their farming operations to their homestead garden (0.4ha). Their main arable field is used by their son-in-law and relative (husband’s nephew) for free, both of whom are growing tobacco. As AC’s commented: “We are now too old to farm large areas”.
Case 13: RK, Ruia A
90-year-old RS and her husband acquired an A1 plot in 2002. Previously her husband worked as a tractor driver in a nearby farm before quitting the job and moved to Mvurwi town where he found another job as a tractor mechanic at settlement. Upon acquiring land, they moved to the farm and took up farming on a fulltime basis. However, the household struggled until one of the sons who had a qualification in agriculture and who at the time was employed as a farm manager at nearby farm decided to quit his job and pursued farming on a full-time farmer. Equipped with knowledge from both training and experience as a farm manager, the son (IC) quickly established himself as one of the best farmers in the village. He grew maize and tobacco. At one point, he sold 18 tonnes of maize at GMB. In the following years, he purchased tractors, two water bowsers, rollers and discs with tobacco proceeds. Through tobacco, he also managed to purchase a residential stand and constructed an 8-roomed house in Harare. He also purchased six cattle with proceeds from tobacco sales, and increased to around 12, but all died due to January Disease in 2021. The son also rented in additional land to grow tobacco from struggling neighbours. But in 2018, RS’s son passed away due to HIV/AIDS. RK’s husband later passed away in 2021. RK had 10 children. Of these, 8 have since passed on due to HIV/AIDS. She is now left with two sons. She lives alone at the farm, with very little support from the remaining two sons. Because of old age, she is currently renting out the whole of her crop field to others, while she maintains crop farming on her homestead stand and small garden near the river. Survival is reliant primarily on small contributions from the two sons, grandchildren and neighbours. As one neighbour commented: “It’s a sorry situation. The son was such a good farmer in this area, but all is gone now”. In fact, RK is very close to ‘dropping out’, although she said that the other son who works in the army is about to retire, and expects him to take over the farm once he has retired.
Gender dimensions
All these patterns of accumulation are inevitably gendered. Tobacco is typically a ‘male’ crop, with male household heads often taking the lead, often as the signatories of the contract agreements. Women frequently complain about the extreme amount of labour required, as they become involved in a range of tasks from cultivating seedlings to weeding and harvesting. Competition between production-focused labour and social reproductive labour is intense in A1 households involved in tobacco and without significant amounts of employed labour. Many women are also involved in horticulture, but on a small scale, but in households that have diversified into more substantial horticulture enterprises these often end up getting run by men. Besides the so-called “female” crops, women are also involved in high-value crops such as sweet and Irish potatoes.
Succession questions
A big issue in Mvurwi, repeated in multiple biographical interviews, is generational transfer and succession. Many A1 farmers in particular have built up successful farm enterprises and are accumulating in ways that has allowed the investment in farm assets, diversification of farm operations as well as starting off-farm businesses and supporting children through school and sometimes university. Successful children may be reluctant to return to farm (maybe having set up homes abroad) and so parents are concerned about who will continue once they are unable to or pass on. Some now adult children are investing in ‘projects’ (irrigation, livestock etc.) but these do not replace the overall tobacco-maize-horticulture farm operation that provided for steady accumulation and investment over the last decades. The case of NC is illustrative.
Case 14: NC, Ruia B
NC was born in 2000 in Mutoko, but grew up in Ruia B farm. His parents obtained land in 2004. He completed Form 4 in 2018, but did not pass any subjects. He was not a good student, although his father wanted him repeat Form 4. Hence, he asked his father if he could try his hand in agriculture. His father agreed and allocated him and his older brother a piece of land in his farm and provided them with some inputs to farm. They grew maize and harvested two tonnes of maize. They sold all the maize and shared the proceeds. He used his proceeds to purchase two cows at a relatively cheap price in Muzarabani. His brother emigrated to South Africa and never came back. The following season, NC farmed alone and harvested 3 tonnes of maize. He then ventured into broiler production, using the maize as feed. He began with batches of 50 birds and slowly increased to up to 400 birds. He sold the broilers locally and at gold mines in Mazowe. In 2019/20 season, he harvested 3 tonnes and sold the maize at GMB, and used the proceeds to purchase 10 goats. During the 2020/21 season, he managed to harvest 3.5 tonnes of maize and sold it all, and used the proceeds to build my own homestead within my father’s plot. In 2022/2023, he abandoned maize and took up tobacco without contract. He managed to harvest 4 tonnes of tobacco and got USD8200. He used the earnings to drill another borehole for USD2000 at his father’s plot and buy 5 cattle in Muzarabani. However, he did not do his budget for his inputs for the next season very well and had to sell all the cattle in order to fund inputs for the following season. In 2023-2024, he harvested 6300kg of tobacco. He then bought 13 cattle, a scotch-cart, a plough, a ‘security fence’ and two tonnes of fertilisers for the next season. During the recent season, he harvested 7 tonnes of tobacco, and used part of the proceeds to purchase a truck for USD5000. Today, he owns 18 head of cattle. His father (LC above) places value in working together as a “family”. He and his father have two permanent workers and hire many casual workers during peak periods.
What about the future?
What the future will hold in places like Mvurwi remains uncertain. As long as international demand for tobacco remains and prices are high, then tobacco will be a route to accumulation for many, but the big question remains succession. Land leasing and joint ventures for some A1 and particularly A2 farms will probably be a key feature in the future, with new investors with money and new skills being attracted to these areas. As one local A1 farmer commented, “During the growing season we see a lot of Toyota GD6s from Harare getting into the farms to farm. These people will be leasing in land from land reform beneficiaries.” This may result in a reshuffling of land use and people over time. These new investors have also influenced labour costs, often offering higher rates. As one A1 farmer complained, “These people have money. They offer labourers US$5 per day and provide goodies, including Mazoe drink [orange squash]. This year I struggled to get labourers because of that, and a lot of my tobacco rots in the field.” As the class compositions of rural areas change, with the penetration of external capital and new interests, inevitably the patterns of accumulation change. This will have profound effects on these areas into the future as they become more and more incorporated into the wider economy, with new actors involved.
This blog, the second in a series on the dynamics of accumulation, has been written by Ian Scoones and Tapiwa Chatikobo, with inputs from Felix Murimbarimba (who facilitated the workshops), Godfrey Mahofa, Jacob Mahenehene, Sydney Jones (Matobo), Moses Mutoko (Masvingo), Makiwa Manaka (Gutu), Vincent Sarayi/Peter Tsungu (Mvurwi) amongst many others in each of our sites. This blog first appeared on Zimbabweland