Land reform enabled some women to claim land. Gaining access to land, our informants explained, offered independence and autonomy. In our discussions across the sites, the connection between land access and ‘freedom’ was repeated again and again.
The land occupations in 2000 were highly varied, but many women joined them. These were either independent women, including young, single women, divorcees and widows, or women joining the occupations as their husbands were at work and so not available. Within the ‘base camps’ women were allocated separate areas to camp and were heavily involved in the social reproductive tasks of sustaining the occupations: cooking, collecting water and looking after infant children and babies who had come with them. Mai M from Masvingo district explained:
I came here during the fast-track land reform. I came here with both men and women; the gender split was 50:50. We arrived and claimed the farm from the white farmer… We came here with [a group of women]. Some people were married, while others were single women who had already separated from their husbands.
MM from Mvurwi explained how, as a war veteran, she was at the forefront of the land occupations, joining independently and later bringing her husband and family:
I was at the forefront of the fast-track land reform; we are the reason people ended up with all these farms. I did not consult my husband about joining the fast-track land reform campaign because it was not something to discuss at home. We made this decision in meetings at the war veterans’ association. My husband had no right to stop me from joining the cause because that was my job.
Mai N from Gutu district recounted her story. The challenges of juggling childcare with establishing new homes and farms were highlighted, along with the dangers faced by single women during the occupations:
We came here for fast-track land reform as women; my husband was at work. I joined the war at the end, but I am not really a war vet… There were eight women who came here, and then we were later joined by four men. We initially lived together as a group of eight in the compound at Bath Farm, and later divided, with each person building their own homestead. The sleeping arrangements were a bit challenging. My husband built me a big rondavel, and everyone slept there. When it was time to sleep, everyone came to sleep at my house because my husband had installed a very strong door. We also had a language we used as a signal for communication in case an enemy attacked us, so if the slogan was not used, we would not leave the house or answer. We stayed together from May to August under the base commander. We then separated when I got my land here, and the other four women I was with got land in Salem, the other three got their land in Bath farm… I left there because there were three married brothers, including my husband in one farm, with a piece of land for their mother. So, the farmland was inadequate, and we would end up buying food because the produce wasn’t enough. When we came here for land reform, I brought the youngest child, and the other two initially remained in Gutu. The other two came when they were a little older; the oldest child was in Form 1, and the other daughter in Form 2. I did not have help at the beginning; I used to juggle farming and looking after the children. It was my kids and I doing all the work. That is how we managed things, maybe because we were eager to own the land.
Mrs C from Masvingo district explained that the early days of the occupations were filled with uncertainty. The invaders who came to the farms on the bus were mocked, and people questioned whether building good houses made sense if the land reform got reversed:
We were led by Comrade B; he would come by to check that everyone was doing well. There was unity and teamwork during that time, but now everything is individualistic….. [my husband] was the one who started building nice houses, but people were concerned that the allocated land might be taken back, so what was the use in investing in building. Sometimes we would use the same bus going to Masvingise, and people would make fun of us when we were dropped off in the bush. They thought we were unwise to pursue the farms.
BN from Matobo district explained how she joined the land occupations with small children:
I came here when the children were still young; the last born was three months old. I survived through farming, selling produce and some of it to GMB to feed my children. If I failed to harvest much, I would go work in other households, building mud houses. We heard there were land invasions, and I decided that life in the rural areas was a struggle, so I decided to come here with others. The government then came later and pegged the land for us. The land invasions occurred, but they were not violent. We spoke to white people who were here, and they gave us one farm each, since most had two. We learned about the land invasions from the radio; they were saying that those in Matobo should go to a specific area and occupy it, and they will take one from each of the white people with two farms. I came here alone, with my children and built a small hut for myself.
FS from the Masvingo district equally recounted how she came here alone. This was a period of hard work and much hardship. Living alone was terrifying, she explained:
My husband became part of fast-track land reform because they did not have enough land at his village to farm. The village was in the mountains; no cars or even a wheelbarrow could reach it. When we arrived, some of the children stayed behind, while I came with the twins. Having young children and working at the farm, fetching water, and all that was a challenge. We used to constantly move between here and Masvingo; this place does not need anyone with a small child. It’s easier to do the work on your own. We used to ask for help to till the land from those that came before us. We used to grow beans and maize. When it was time to cultivate the land, I would make the children sit down while I worked. The children were staying alone while I was here at the farm. My oldest learned how to cook in grade one. I was mostly staying here alone as my husband was still deployed as a soldier. I was terrified of living alone but I braved it until now.
SM from Matobo agreed that the early settlement period, living alone with small children, was really hard:
When we came here, my husband was working in Bulawayo, while I stayed to clear the land or farm. When my husband was alive, I used to farm here, and I would get a good harvest to sell. Raising children was difficult. When the Esigodini school became a boarding school, my son had to stay behind because I could no longer afford it. The other daughter left school after Form 4. I had six cattle, and I sold one. My husband died before we even started building. I sold sorghum and one cow to help build this place.
Despite the hardships and the real practical and emotional challenges of living alone, Mai M from Masvingo district reiterated the sentiment of many. Access to land allowed women to have a place that they could call their own, where production could take place to support growing children:
I have an offer letter in my name. Getting land helped me because having a place where you and your children can call your own is important. It contributed to the education and upkeep of my children. I used to sell my produce to GMB, and that money helped me buy cattle; it also helped my sons get married.
As NA from Mvurwi explained, moving to the land reform areas offered opportunities that were not available in the communal areas. Especially in a polygamous family, the tensions that existed when there were many family members present could be escaped from, “so we can be free”
When we found out that our husband had found a farm this side, we started comparing it with our life in Chikwira and decided that coming to the farm was better. In Chikwira, we were living a decent life as a family, but we thought continuing to live together was not ideal. We had a place to farm in Chikwira, but because there were many of us, we sometimes did not get along in the family. That is why we decided to leave: to be free. We work on the farm together as a family, but a piece of the land is reserved for our husbands, and we have our own piece that belongs to the wives. When there is too much work, our husband will hire people to help us; otherwise, we usually work with our children. Our husband buys farming inputs for everyone and also pays people to help us in the field when there is too much work.
This is the second blog in the series on social reproduction and land reform. This blog was written by Sandra Bhatasara and Ian Scoones, with inputs from Tapiwa Chatikobo and Felix Murimbarimba. It was first published on Zimbabweland.